<= retour

Les notes ci-contre sont toutes tirées de

The atlas of pidgin and creole language structure on line : Language Seychelles Creole

Je les ai mises sur une seule page pour simplifier la lecture. J'en ai aussi fait une version dans une base de donnée mySQL pour faire des recherches.

1 Order of subject, object, and verb : Subject-verb-object (SVO) Mari ti anbras Zan tanzantan. / Mary often kissed Jean.
  • Lion i manz gazel. / Lions eat gazelles.
  • Nou griy nou kafe. / We roasted our coffee
2 Order of possessor and possessum : Possessum-possessor The Possessor-Possessum constructions may look like left-dislocations. But the fact that one can get them in subordinated clauses is evidence in favour of a full-fledged possessive construction:

Mon krwar ki lekol son bann laport fodre penn. / 'I think that all the school doors have to be painted.'

It may be, nevertheless, that this construction type is somehow restricted to the subject position, but more research is needed here.
  • Bann laport lekol fodre penn. / The school doors have to be painted.
  • lakaz Marcel / Marcel's house
  • sa madanm son lakaz / the woman's house
  • Marcel son lakaz / Marcel's house
  • Soungoula son vant / Soungoula's belly
  • Lekol son bann laport fodre penn. / All the school doors have to be painted.
  • La marto son de lizye i lo son laloup. / There, the eyes of the hammerhead shark are on the tips of the extensions of his head. / French: Le marteau, ses yeux sont sur sa loupe. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 225)
3 Order of adjective and noun : Modifying adjective precedes noun There is only a small set of high frequency adjectives which precede the noun (see Bollée 1977: 42ff.); otherwise the adjective follows the noun.

bann zenn fiy / young girls
  • La i en gran landrwa. / There was a big space.
  • en zoli fiy, en zoli garson / a beautiful girl, a handsome boy
  • aswar ek lalin kler / in the evening(s) with the bright moon
  • Ou met dilo so. / You put hot water [into it].
  • I met en semiz rouz. / He wears a red shirt.
4 Order of adposition and noun phrase : Prepositions
  • I dans dan lamezon. / [They] dance indoors.
5 Order of demonstrative and noun : Demonstrative word precedes noun
  • Tou sa bann landrwa mon 'n ale. / It's to all these places that I have been.
  • Apre nou pran sa baka la. / Then we took that baka (alcoholic drink, fermented sugar cane).
6 Order of cardinal numeral and noun : Numeral precedes noun
  • kat tanbour / four drums
7 Order of relative clause and noun : Relative clause follows noun
  • I annan en koray ki apel koray Sidwes? Is there a coral whose name is Sud-ouest coral? / Il y a un corail qui s'appelle corail Sud-ouest? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 225)
8 Order of degree word and adjective : Degree word precedes adjective
  • Sa enn ti 'n tro vye. / This one had been - was too old.
  • I en pti pe so. / It is a bit hot.
9 Position of definite article in the noun phrase : Definite article is preposed Seychelles Creole sa is generally not classified as a definite article (see Bollée 2004) because it is far from being grammaticalized and used in every instance of a definite reference. But sa shows the associative function in some contexts, which is crucial in the definition of definite article in APiCS. As obligatoriness in definite contexts is not a prerequisite for definite-article use, sa must be classified as a definite article here.
  • Ou pa kapab grate pwason. Ou a bezwen sal li ek son lekay tou. E ou tir sa gro zaret milye, ou tir latet.
  • You could not scratch the fish. You had to salt them with their scales. And you pulled the large bone in the middle, you pulled the heads.
  • On n'aurait pas pu écailler les poissons. Il fallait donc les saler avec leurs écailles. Et on retirait *les* grandes arêtes au milieu, on retirait les têtes. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 225)
10 Position of indefinite article in the noun phrase : Indefinite article is preposed
  • Sant en lot sanson pirog. / Sing another pirogue song. / Chantez une autre chanson de piroguier. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 229)
11 Order of frequency adverb, verb, and object : Adverb - verb - object
  • Mari tanzantan ti anbras Zan. / Marie often kissed John.
11 Order of frequency adverb, verb, and object : Verb - object -adverb
  • Mari ti anbras Zan tanzantan. Mary often kissed Jean
  • Mon al Ladig souvan. / I often go to La Digue.
12 Position of interrogative phrases in content questions : Interrogative phrase initial Lekel ('who'), kote ('where'), kan ('when'), and kwa ('what') can stay in situ, whereas ki and kisisa (both meaning 'what') must be fronted.

  • Lekel ki ou ti vwar? / Whom did you see?
  • Kan ou pou vini? / When will you come?
  • Avek kwa ti fer sa? / With what did one make this?
  • Kote ou'n ale? / Where did you go?
  • Kan ou pou vini? / When will you come?
12 Position of interrogative phrases in content questions : Interrogative phrase not initial Lekel ('who'), kote ('where'), kan ('when'), and kwa ('what') can stay in situ, whereas ki and kisisa (both meaning 'what') must be fronted.

  • I fer avek kwa? / With what did you/one do it? / On l'a fait avec quoi? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 175)
  • Ou ti vwar lekel? / Whom did you see?  
  • Ou pou vin kan? / When will you come?
13 Gender distinctions in personal pronouns : No gender distinctions
  • i / he, she
14 Dual in independent personal pronouns : No special dual form
15 Inclusive/exclusive distinction in independent personal pronouns : No inclusive/exclusive distinction
  • nou / we
16 Person syncretism in independent personal pronouns : Syncretism between 2nd and 3rd person
  • zot / you (PL), they
17 Special dependent person forms for subject and object : Only dependent subject forms Special dependent subject pronouns exist in 1sg and 3sg: mon (dependent) vs. mwan (independent), i (dependent) vs. li (independent). In object position only the independent pronouns can be used. In all other persons there is no difference between dependent and independent personal pronouns.
  • Apre mon 'n tournen. / Then I returned.
  • Mwan zanmen mon 'n reste dan zil plis ki en mwa. / Me, I never stayed on an island for more than one month.
  • I pran trwa kat bobin i roule. / He took three, four bobbins and twined them together. OR: He twined three, four bobbins together.
  • Prezan ou met li drwat. / Then you put it straight.
  • Marcel-o, donn mwan sa bolpenn. / Marcel, give me this ballpen.
18 Politeness distinctions in second-person pronouns : No pronominal politeness distinction
  • Lekel ki ou ti vwar? / Whom did you see?
19 Interrogative pronouns : Two compound expressions 'Who' can be rendered by lekel ki or by the compound expression ki sennla ki.
Why' is akoz ki: Akoz ki zot ti kontan dans sa kalite danse? (Michaelis 1994: 182) 'Why were you glad to dance this kind of dance?'
  • Ki mannyer zot ti organiz zot pour danse? / How did you organize yourselves in order to dance?
  • Lekel ki ti vini? / Who came?
  • Ki sennla ki ti vini? Who came?
  • Be aktyelman kote ou ti ne ou la? / But actually, where were you born?
  • Be kan ti konstri sa? But when did one/they build this?
20 Pronoun conjunction : Singular pronoun overtly conjoined with other conjunct The cardinal numeral 'two', de, is obligatory in the inclusory construction.
  • Nou - mwan ek mon granmoun - nou'n marse aswar / We, me and my parents, we went around that night. / Nous - moi et mes parents - nous avons circulé ce soir. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 267)
21 Indefinite pronouns : Generic-noun-based indefinites Both words, keksoz and dimoun, can also have the meaning of 'a thing' and 'a person', respectively.
  • keksoz /something
  • dimoun / someone
  • kek dimoun / somebody
22 Occurrence of nominal plural markers : Variable plural marking of human or inanimate nouns In formal-style Seychelles Creole, bann seems to be grammaticalizing into a quasi-obligatory plural marker, e.g. in newspaper articles.
    Bann madanm i leve i danse. / The women got up and danced.
  • Leser in sorti anba. / The sisters came out from there.
23 Expression of nominal plural meaning : Plural word preceding the noun
  • Bann madanm i leve i danse. / The women got up and danced.
24 The associative plural : Associative plural marker identical to additive plural marker
  • bann Pyer / Pyer and company
  • Bann danm i reponn. / The women answered.
25 Nominal plural marker and third-person-plural pronoun : Differentiation
  • Bann danm i reponn. / The women answered.
  • zot / they
26 Functions of reduplication : Attenuating function
  • Kan'em ou pa lav li prop prop, ou ganny konmsi en tanpon. / If you don't rinse it very thoroughly, you will get some kind of bung. / Si vous ne le lavez pas proprement, vous aurez une espèce de tampon. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 89)
  • Mon ti a kapab marye avek sa fiy, me selman i en pti pe vilenn-vilenn. / I might marry that girl, only she is just a little bit ugly.
  • mars marse; dans danse; manz manze / walk continuously; dance continuously; eat randomly
27 Antidual of paired body-part terms : No antidual
  • Si ou met lipye lo la ou'n antre dan son kan ou pa a sorti. / If you step on it [a kind of grain], if you go into the field, you will not get out of it. / Si vous y mettez le pied, si vous entrez dans son champ, vous n'en sortez pas. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 201)
27 Antidual of paired body-part terms : Antidual
  • en kote lipye / one leg
  • Met en kote lipye devan. / Put one foot forward.
28 Definite articles : Definite article identical to a demonstrative Seychelles Creole sa is generally not classified as a definite article (see Bollée 2004) because it is far from being grammaticalized and used in every instance of a definite reference. But sa shows in some contexts the associative function which is crucial in the definition of definite article in APiCS. As obligatoriness in definite contexts is not a prerequisite for definite-article use, sa must be classified as a definite article here.
  • Ou pa kapab grate pwason. Ou a bezwen sal li ek son lekay tou. E ou tir sa gro zaret milye, ou tir latet. / You could not scratch the fish. You had to salt them with their scales. And you pulled the large bone in the middle, you pulled the heads. / On n'aurait pas pu écailler les poissons. Il fallait donc les saler avec leurs écailles. Et on retirait *les* grandes arêtes au milieu, on retirait les têtes. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 225)
  • Mon apel sa madanm. / I call this woman. OR: I call the woman.
  • Mon pou don sa rob Mari-Frans. /I will give this dress to Mari-Frans. / Je donnerai cette robe à Marie-France.
29 Indefinite articles : Indefinite article identical to numeral ‘one’ The indefinite article is en. If the numeral 'one' is used in attributive function, it is en, if used independently, it is enn.
  • en sat / a cat
  • Mon annan enn. vs. Mon annan en sat. / I have got one. vs. I have got one cat.
30 Generic noun phrases in subject function : Bare singular noun phrase in languages with definite article Given the APiCS definition of definite article, we assume that there is a definite article in Seychelles Creole, cf. Feature 28 "Definite articles" and the explanation under "General comments on value assignment".
  • Lion i manz gazel. /Lions eat gazelles
31 Co-occurrence of demonstrative and definite article : Demonstrative identical to definite article
  • Mon apel sa madanm. / I call this woman. OR: I call the woman.
32 Pronominal and adnominal demonstratives : Same forms There is also the form sennla which is used only pronominally (see example 75), but as it is used much less frequently in this function than both sa and sa enn, we decided to choose the value "same words". The difference with Mauritian and Reunion Creole (which show the value "different words") is thus not as categorical as it may seem.
  • Mon apel sa madanm. / I call this woman. OR: I call the woman.
  • Me si bato i sanze sa i red. / But if the boat changed side, that one was rigid. / Mais si le bateau changeait de côté, ce tuyau était raide. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 175)
  • Sa enn pye anba la ti bon groser koko / This coconut tree over there had very thick coconuts. / Ce cocotier là-bas avait des noix d'une bonne grosseur. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 93)
  • (...) i pran sa enn ki anba son lebra. / (...) he takes that one which is under his arm. / (...) il prend l'autre qui est sous son bras. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 43)
  • sa enn laba i mon frer / This one over there is my brother.
  • sennla laba i mon frer / This one over there is my brother.
33 Distance contrasts in demonstratives : No distance contrast
  • Mon apel sa madanm. /I call this woman. OR: I call the woman.
34 Adnominal distributive numerals : No special adjacent distributive numerals
  • Sakenn i pran en kes i anmenn anba. / Everyone took a drum and put it downwards
35 Ordinal numerals : 'First' is suppletive, all other numerals are synchronically derived from cardinal numerals
  • enn - premye / one - first
  • de - dezyenm / two - second
36 Sortal numeral classifiers : The language has no numeral classifiers
  • trwa lisyen / three dogs
37 Marking of pronominal possessors : Preceding word
  • Mon papa ti reste Ans Bwalo. / My father lived at Anse Boileau.
38 Marking of pronominal possessors : Adpositional phrase following the possessum
  • lakaz pour mwan / Be ou papa kote i ti reste li, papa pour ou? / But your father, where did he live, your father? / Mais votre père, où habitait-il? Votre père. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 169)
37 Marking of pronominal possessors : Preceding word
  • Mon papa ti reste Ans Bwalo. / My father lived at Anse Boileau.
38 Marking of possessor noun phrases : Person-indexing on possessum
  • sa zonm son lakaz / that man's house
  • Sungula son vant ti 'n plen. / Sungula's belly was full. / Le ventre de Sungula était plein. (Bollée 1977: 42)
38 Marking of possessor noun phrases : No marking
  • lakaz sa zonm / that man's house
39 Independent pronominal possessors : Special preposition plus pronoun
  • pour mwan vs. mon liv / mine vs. my book
40 Gender agreement of adnominal adjectives : No adjective agrees with the noun In practice, one does not find gender agreement of adjectives with nouns.
There are only some marginal exceptions. In some lexicalized expressions, adnominal adjectives may agree in gender, e.g. in proper names vyey plat 'vieilles plates"', a name of a fish (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 224), cf. vye (m) vs. vyey (f) 'old'.
According to Bollée (1977: 33), "fossilized femninines have been preserved in fixed expressions like bonn volonte 'goodwill' (instead of bon volonte) and vyey-fiy 'old girl'."
Moreover, Bollée (1977: 33) cites one adjective with gender distinction which is supposed to be widespread in all registers of Seychelles Creole: fou - fol.
In adnominal adjectives relating to nationalities, one also finds gender agreement: en imsye seselwa vs. en madanm seselwaz 'a Seychellois man' vs. 'a Seychellois woman'.
  • en vye tonton, en vye tantin / an old man, an old woman
40 Gender agreement of adnominal adjectives : Only few adjectives agree with the noun
  • ere; erez / happy / heureux, heureuse
41 Comparative adjective marking : Adjective is marked
  • Sa kanbar blan sanmenm pli meyer sa ki zot dir kanbar maron li. / The white yam is better than the one which they call wild yam. / L'igname blanche est meilleure que celle qu'on appelle igname sauvage. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994:123)
  • Teresa i pli gran ki Gabriel. / Teresa is taller than Gabriel.
42 Comparative standard marking : Particle marking
  • Teresa i pli gran ki Gabriel. / Teresa is taller than Gabriel
42 Comparative standard marking : Standard is not overtly marked
  • Sa kanbar blan sanmenm pli meyer sa ki zot dir kanbar maron li. / The white yam is better than the one which they call wild yam. / L'igname blanche est meilleure que celle qu'on appelle igname sauvage. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994:123)
42 Comparative standard marking : Primary surpass marking
  • Mari i depas tou bann fiy lo grander. / Mari is taller than all the girls (lit. Mari surpasses all girls in tallness).
43 Position of tense, aspect, and mood markers in relation to the verb : In a leftward position
  • Zot ti pou byen servi sa larzan. / They would use this money well. / Ils emploieraient bien cet argent. (Bollée 1977: 69)
  • Lapeti pa ti zame kras lo larak. / Lapeti never spit on the arrack. / Lapeti ne crachait jamais sur l'arack. (Bollée 1977: 71)
  • Mon pe touzour dormi. / I am always sleeping.
  • Pol pe sertenman dormi sa ler. / Paul must be sleeping at this time.
  • Bird Island mon'n deza ale. / I've already been to Bird Island. / Je suis déjà allé à Bird Island. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 181)
44 Internal order of tense, aspect, and mood markers : Tense-Mood-Aspect
  • Si nou ti Sesel, nou ti ava pe fini travay sa ler. / If we were in the Seychelles, we would have been about to finish / in the process of finishing at this time (of the day).
45 Tightness of the link between the past marker and the verb : Particle, a few lexical items may intervene Adverbs e.g. relman 'really', telman 'so', byen 'well', zamen 'never', touzour 'always', pli souvan 'more often', tanzantan 'sometimes', ankor 'still', absoliman 'absolutely' may intervene.
  • Zot ti pou byen servi sa larzan / They would use this money well. / Ils emploieraient bien cet argent. (Bollée 1977: 69)
  • Lapeti pa ti zame kras lo larak. / Lapeti never spit on the arrack. / Lapeti ne crachait jamais sur l'arack. (Bollée 1977: 71)
  • Mon ti ankor pe manze. / was still eating.
  • Bird Island mon'n deza ale. / I've already been to Bird Island. / Je suis déjà allé à Bird Island. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 181)
46 Tightness of the link between the progressive marker and the verb : Particle, a few lexical items may intervene There seem to be a few grammatical and lexical items which can intervene, e.g. touzour 'always', nek 'merely', byen 'well', and sentence adverbs e.g. erezman 'fortunately', sertennman ' must be doing something' (epistemic value). Fek 'a moment ago' and ankor 'still' do tend to precede the progressive particle (see the difference with Mauritian Creole): Ou ankor pe dormi 'You are still sleeping'.
  • Mon pe touzour dormi. / I am always sleeping.
  • Pol pe sertenman dormi sa ler. / Paul must be sleeping at this time.
  • Tony ti (a)pe erezman ale. / Fortunately, Tony was leaving.
47 Uses of the progressive marker : Only progressive function
  • Dimoun pa trou ou laba kot ou pe sanze, la prezan nou sorti dan sa lakaz. / One doesn't see you there where you are dressing up, and then we leave the house. / On ne vous voit pas là où vous vous déguisez, et puis on sort de la maison. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 141)
48 Uses of the habitual marker : No overt habitual marker The habitual function is expressed by zero marking.
  • Me malerezman mon pa fime, mon frer, mon sik taba. / But unfortunately, I don't smoke, my brother, I chew tobacco. / Mais malheureusement, je ne fume pas, mon frère, mais je chique. (Bollée 1977: 137)
49 Tense-aspect systems : Mixed aspectual-temporal system
  • Mon ti ankor pe manze. / I was still eating.
  • Mon ankor pe manze. / I am still eating.
50 Negation and tense, aspect, and mood marking : Same TAM marking in negated clauses
  • Mon pa ti vwar personn/naryen. / I did not see anybody/anything.
  • Ou pa pou trouv li ankor zanmen. I pou al dan en lot kan. / You will never see them [in the same place]. They will go to another aerie. / Vous ne les reverrez jamais [au même endroit]. Ils iront dans une autre aire. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 195)
  • I pa a gannyen. / He won't get (it).
51 Present reference of stative verbs and past perfective reference of dynamic verbs : Stative verbs with present reference and dynamic verbs with past perfective reference are marked differently There are very few contexts in which a dynamic zero-marked verb can have past perfective reference, e.g. I pa gannyen.
'S/he didn't get it'.
  • Mon konn gete. / I know (how) to watch. / Je sais regarder. (Bollée 1977: 95)
  • Apre ou 'n al Sent Ann. / Then you went to Saint Anne.
52 Aspect markers and inchoative meaning : Inchoative expressed by completive marker Bollée (1977: 55) cites the following examples of the progressive marker with inchoative meaning, which were not (any more?) part of the grammar of the native speakers which we consulted:
Mon pe ankoler. / 'I am getting angry.'
Mon pe lafen. / 'I am getting hungry.'
  • [...] tu pu mwa i 'n mir. / French: [...] les miennes (bananes) sont toutes mûres. (Bollée 1977: 97)
52 Aspect markers and inchoative meaning : Inchoative expressed by progressive marker
  • Mon pe ankoler. / I get angry.
53 Aspect change in verb chains : Aspect change in verb chains is not possible
54 Suppletion according to tense and aspect : No suppletion according to tense or aspect
55 Ability verb and epistemic possibility : Ability verb also expresses epistemic possibility
  • Be en zwazo konmyen dizef i kapab ponn? / But a bird, how many eggs can it lay? / Mais un oiseau, combien d'œufs il peut pondre? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 197)
  • Mon ti kapab annan 'pepre dan trez an par la. / I was probably about thirteen years old. / Je devais avoir environ treize ans. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 137)
  • Pyer i kapab arive. / Peter may arrive. OR: Peter can arrive.
56 The prohibitive : Normal imperative construction and normal negator
  • Pa sante! / Don't sing!
  • Sante! / Sing!
  • Ou pa pe sante. / You are not singing.
57 Marking of patient noun phrases : No marking of patient NPs
  • Lion i manz gazel. / Lions eat gazelles.
58 Alignment of case marking of full noun phrases : Neutral alignment
  • Nou griy nou kafe. / We roasted our coffee.
  • Lion i manz gazel. / Lions eat gazelles.
  • Lea ti donn Gabriel en mang. / Lea gave Gabriel a mango.
  • I pran trwa kat bobin i roule. / He took three, four bobbins and twined them together. OR: He twined three, four bobbins together.
  • Bann madanm i leve i danse. / The women got up and danced.
59 Alignment of case marking of personal pronouns : Accusative alignment Nominative-accusative alignment is found in 1sg and 3sg pronouns (mon vs. mwan; i vs. li), whereas all other persons show neutral alignment.
The pronoun paradigm (subject-object) is: mon-mwan, ou-ou, i-li, nou-nou, zot-zot, zot/i-zot
'I-me, you-you, he/she- him|her, we-us, you-you, they-them'.
  • I ti donn li senk roupi. / He gave him/her five roupis.
  • I 'n fatige. / He has become tired.
60 Ditransitive constructions with ‘give’ : Double-object construction The verb donnen 'to give' always occurs in a double-object construction, whereas other ditransitive verbs, e.g. dir 'to say', may also show the indirect-object construction, cf. Michaelis & Haspelmath (2003), Michaelis (2008).
  • Mon 'n donn Marcel en mang. / I gave Marcel a mango.
  • Nou griy nou kafe. / We roasted our coffee.
  • I ti donn li senk roupi. / He gave him/her five roupis.
61 Order of recipient and theme in ditransitive constructions : Subject - verb - recipient - theme
  • Mon 'n donn Marcel en mang. / I gave Marcel a mango.
62 Expression of pronominal subjects : Optional pronoun words
  • Nou anmennen nou al plant laba. Fouy trou ek pyos. / We carry (them) and we go and plant (them) there. You dig holes with an axe. / Nous les portons et nous allons planter là-bas. On creuse des trous avec la pioche. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 155)
63 Expletive subject in ‘seem’ constructions : An expletive subject is used
  • I pa paret ki Tom i la. / It doesn't seem that Tom is there.
  • I pa ti paret ki Tom i la. / It did not seem that Tom was there.
63 Expletive subject in ‘seem’ constructions : An expletive subject is not used
  • I paret mwan ki laplipar ou letan ou 'n fer lo zil. / It seems to me that you spent most of your time on the islands. / Il me semble que vous avez passé la plupart de votre temps sur les îles. (Bollée & Rosalie 1997: 33)
  • Pa paret ki Tom i la. / It doesn't seem that Tom is there.
  • Ti paret ki Tom i la. / It Seemed that Tom was there.
64 Expletive subject of existential verb : An expletive subject is not used
  • Ti annan koson osi laba? / Were there also pigs? / Il y avait aussi des cochons là-bas? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 203)
65 Raining constructions / Rain falls
  • Lapli pe tombe. / Rain is falling.
  • Ler lapli i tonbe i vini i met tol lola. / When it rained, he came and put a metal plate on it. / Quand il pleuvait, il venait mettre de la tôle dessus. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 219)
66 Experiencer constructions with ‘headache’ : Body-part is subject
  • Mon latet i fer mal. / I have a headache.
67 Experiencer constructions with ‘like’ : Experiencer is subject
  • Manrmay i kontan sa. / The children loved it. / Les enfants aimaient ça.
68 Experiencer constructions with ‘fear’ : Experiencer is subject, 'fear' is non-verbal
  • (...) perdri (...) i ganny per. / (...) the guinea fowls are afraid. / les perdrix (...) elles ont peur. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 31)
68 Experiencer constructions with ‘fear’ : Experiencer is subject, 'fear' is verbal
  • Mon per. / I am afraid.
69 Instrumental expressions : Serial verb
  • Apre ou pran goni ou toufe. / Then you choke [the fish] with the jute bag. OR: Then you take the jute bag and choke [the fish]. / Après, vous prenez des sacs en toile de jute et vous étouffez [le poisson]. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 223)
69 Instrumental expressions : Adposition
  • Ou kas li ek ti laas. / You chop it with a little axe. / Vous les cassez avec une petite hache. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 107)
70 Comitatives and instrumentals : Identity
  • Ou kas li ek ti laas. / You chop it with a little axe. / Vous les cassez avec une petite hache. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 107)
  • Mon 'n travay [...] avek Sye Raim. / I have worked [...] with Mr Rahim.
71 Noun phrase conjunction and comitative : Identity
  • Mari ek Pyer / Mari and Pyer
  • Mon 'n travay [...] avek Sye Raim. / I have worked [...] with Mr Rahim.
72 Nominal and verbal conjunction : Differentiation Nominal conjunction is marked by ek, and verb phrase conjunction is marked by e (< French et 'and') or epi (< French et puis 'and then'). In more formal, written texts (e.g. innewspapers), nominal conjunction is sometimes marked by e. Clause conjunction is marked either by pure juxtaposition (more in spoken discourse) or by e (more in written texts).
  • Mari ek Pyer / Mari and Pyer
  • Ou pran moulon ou vini ou kraze ou met dilo so. / You take the melon, you come and you squeeze it and you put hot water in it.
  • Marcel in manz banan e i 'n lir zournal. / Marcel ate a banana/bananas and read the newspaper.
73 Predicative noun phrases : No copula The Seychelles Creole predicate marker”i (as in David i etidyan [David pm student] ‘David is a student’) is not a copula, because it is also obligatory in verbal clauses (David i vini ‘David comes’).
  • [...] letan ki ou papa ti reziser. / [...] the time when your father was a manager of an estate.
  • Sa garson mon ti vwar dan bazar i neve mon madanm. / The boy whom I saw in the market is the nephew of my wife.
74 Predicative adjectives : No copula The predicate marker i does not count as a copula because it is also obligatory in verbal clauses (David i vini. ‘David comes.’).
  • Mal i lour. / The male one is heavy. / Le mâle est lourd. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 107)
75 Predicative locative phrases : No copula
  • Mon Ladig. / I am on La Digue (an island of the Seychelles).
  • Gabriel i dan bwa. / Gabriel is in the forest.
76 Predicative noun phrases and predicative locative phrases : Identity
  • [...] letan ki ou papa ti reziser. / [...] the time when your father was a manager of an estate.
  • Mon Ladig. / I am on La Digue (an island of the Seychelles).
  • Sa garson mon ti vwar dan bazar i neve mon madanm. / The boy whom I saw in the market is the nephew of my wife.
77 Predicative possession : Transitive
  • sa zoli lakaz ki ou annan la / this nice house which you have / ' (...) cette jolie maison que vous avez là.' (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 189)
78 Existential verb and transitive possession verb : Identity The verb annan is used in both construction types, as an existential verb and as a transitive possession verb. In some rare contexts the verb ganny 'to get, obtain' is used as a transitive possession verb with stative/resultative meaning: mon ganny lafyev. 'I have fever' (cf. ex. 132) and not 'I get fever'.
  • Be ler i annan koudvan zot pa reste lo sa [...] zil? / But when there is a hurricane, they don't stay on the [...] island? / Donc, quand il y a un cyclone, elles ne restent pas là sur cette [...] île?
  • sa zoli lakaz ki ou annan la / this nice house which you have / ' (...) cette jolie maison que vous avez là.' (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 189)
  • Mon ganny lafyev. / I have fever.
79 Going to named places : No adpositional/case marking
  • Apre ou 'n al Sent Ann. / Then you went to Saint Anne.
80 Coming from named places : No adpositional/case marking
  • Bann materyo ti sorti isi Mae sa? / Did the materials come from Mahé?
81 Motion-to and motion-from : Identity
  • Mon al dan bwa. / I go into the forest.
  • Mon sorti dan bwa. / I come out of the forest.
82 Transitive motion verbs: ‘push’ : At-rest marking is used to express motion-to
  • Marcel ti pous Peter dan trou. / Marcel pushed Peter into the hole.
  • La ou al met li dan en bwat. / Then you put it (the rubber) into a box. / Alors vous allez la mettre dans une boîte. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 87)
  • Marcel ti dan trou. / Marcel was in the hole.
83 Transitive motion verbs: ‘pull’ At-rest marking is used to express motion-from
  • Marcel ti redi Peter dan trou. / Marcel pulled Peter out of the hole.
  • (...) ou pou tir ou kalou dan ou pye koko / (...) you will extract palm wine from your coconut tree.
  • Marcel ti dan trou. / Marcel was in the hole
84 Directional serial verb constructions with 'come' and 'go' : ‘Come’ and ‘go’ directionals exist
  • La nou kouri nou ale. / Then we ran/went away.
85 'Take’ serial verb constructions : Theme of the second verb, literal interpretation possible
  • I pran trwa kat bobin i roule. / He took three, four bobbins and twined them together. OR: He twined three, four bobbins together.
85 ‘Take’ serial verb constructions Instrument of the second verb, no resumptive pronoun
  • Apre ou pran goni ou toufe. / Then you choke [the fish] with the jute bag. OR: Then you take the jute bag and choke [the fish]. / Après, vous prenez des sacs en toile de jute et vous étouffez [le poisson]. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 223)
87 Reflexive constructions : Reflexive pronoun with ‘body’ or body-part
  • I deteste son lekor. / He hates himself.
  • I degout son prop kor. / He hates himself.
87 Reflexive constructions : Compound reflexive pronoun with emphasizer
  • I war li-menm dan laglas. / He sees himself in the mirror.
87 Reflexive constructions : Ordinary anaphoric pronoun
  • I get li dan laglas. / He looks at himself in the mirror.
88 Intensifiers and reflexive pronouns : Intensifiers and reflexives overlap
  • I war li-menm dan laglas. / He sees himself in the mirror.
  • Sa Ma Estel limenm ki dir li dan tan margoz avek ziz. / It was this Ma Estelle (herself) who said to the judge that she was from the temps margose (the period of slavery). / C'était cette Ma Estelle qui avait dit au juge qu'elle était du temps margose. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 241)
  • I deteste son lekor. / He hates himself.
89 Reciprocal constructions : Special reciprocal construction based on 'companion'
  • Nou pa zwenn kanmarad. / We don't meet each other.
90 Passive constructions : Passive without verbal coding
  • [...] be dizef ti a vann en sou enn. / [...] well, the eggs would sell one sou each / would be sold for one sou each. / [...] les oeufs se vendraient à un sou pièce. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 205)
90 Passive constructions : Typical passive construction
  • Nou nou ganny atake zis lotrozour mersener. / We got/were attacked by mercenaries only some days ago. / Nous avons seulement été attaqués l'autre jour par les mercenaires. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 181)
  • Be sa laz ki ou ti ete ou ti pe ganny anploye ek zil ou? / But given the age which you had, were you (still) employed on the island? / Ben, vu l'âge que vous aviez, vous étiez employé sur l'île, vous?
90 Passive constructions : Passive without verbal coding
  • Prezantasyon sertifika ti fer kot Teat Nasyonal [...]. / The presentation of the certificates was held at the National Theatre [...].
90 Passive constructions : Typical passive construction
  • Anviron karant dimoun in ganny touye. / Nearly forty people have been killed.
  • La nou ganny dir i pou rezourd dan prosen 3 an. / There, we are told that he will resolve (the problem) within the next three years.
92 Subject relative clauses : Relative particle and gap After verbs of perception in the main clause, the progressive particle pe can introduce a kind of relative clause with the object of the main clause functioning as the "semantic" subject of the relative clause:
Mon vwar Lea pe danse. (constructed by linguist) / 'I see Lea dancing.' OR: 'I see Lea who dances.'
  • Be sa bann dimoun ki ti Lil Terez, zot ti reste laba menm osi? / But the people who stayed at Lil Terez (the island of Therese), they also lived there? / Ben, les gens qui étaient à l'île Thérèse, ils habitaient là aussi? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 139)
  • Be dimoun lontan [...] ti kwar pourdir i annan en bonnfanm ki apel Bonnfanm San Tet ti reste ladan. / But in former times the people believed that there was a woman called Bonnefemme Sans Tête who stayed there. / Ben autrefois les gens [...] croyaient qu'il y avait une femme qui s'appelait Bonnefemme Sans Tête qui habitait là-dedans [...]. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 210f.)
93 Object relative clauses : Zero and gap
  • Tou kalorifer ou fer ek laso fodre i annan later rouz. / All the heatings which you make with lime, you must put red soil into them. / Tous les calorifères que vous faites avec de la chaux, il faut y mettre de la terre rouge. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 113)
  • Sa garson mon ti vwar dan bazar i neve mon madanm. / The boy whom I saw in the market is the nephew of my wife.
93 Object relative clauses : Relative particle and resumptive pronoun
  • sa gro delwil nwanr ki korvet i servi sa / his heavy black oil which the corvette uses / l'huile lourde noir dont se servent les corvettes (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 171)
94 Instrument relative clauses : Relative pronoun with pied-piping
  • Sa i kouto ek ki Zak ti koup pwason. / This is the knife with which Jacques cut the fish.
94 Instrument relative clauses : Relative particle and gap with preposition stranding
  • sa (i) sizo ki i ti koup papye avek / the scissors that he cut the paper with
95 Complementizer with verbs of speaking : Complementizer not synchronically related to ‘say’
  • Mon dir li ki fodre i retournen dizer. / I tell her/him that she/he has to return by 10 pm.
95 Complementizer with verbs of speaking : Complementizer consists of ‘say’ plus some other marker
  • Be nou bann kanmarad lontan in dir ek nou pourdir dan tan lesklavaz Madanm Marsan ti touy touy dimoun [...]. / But for a long time, our friends have told us that during slavery Mrs. Marsan killed people [...]. / Mais depuis longtemps nos camarades nous avaient dit qu'à l'époque de l'esclavage madame Le Marchand a tué des gens [...]. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 231)
  • Mon dir li pourdir nou pou al Bamberg demen. / I tell her that we will go to Bamberg tomorrow.
95 Complementizer with verbs of speaking : No complementizer
  • Ou a dir ou al Dyego. / You will say that you go to Diego (Garcia). / Vous direz que vous allez à Diego. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 253)
  • Papa in dir i bezwen retournen. / Daddy said that he (himself or another person) has to return.
95 Complementizer with verbs of speaking : Complementizer not synchronically related to ‘say’
  • Seselwa, les mwan dir zot ki sitiasyon i bokou pli konplike ki sa. / Seychelles people, let me tell you that the situation is much more complicated than this.
95 Complementizer with verbs of speaking : No complementizer
  • Eski zot komans konpran letan mon dir i mank en eleman prensipal dan son bidze? / Do you start to understand when I say that an important element is lacking in his budget?
96 Complementizer with verbs of knowing : No complementizer Pourdir and zero-marking are distributed nearly equally whereas ki is much more rare and tends to occur more often in written style.
  • Si femel i konnen sa dizef pa pour li! / If it is the female she knows (that) these eggs are not hers. / Si c'est la femelle, elle sait que ce ne sont pas ses oeufs à elle. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 193)
  • Ler ou konnen in ganny set zour, la ou ankese. / When you know that seven days are over, then you put [the eggs] into boxes. / Quand vous savez que sept jours ont passé, là vous encaissez [les oeufs]. Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 205.
  • (...) dan tou sa ki nou fer mon konnen Seselwa i annan sa kapasite pour fer li byen (...) / (...) in everything that we do, I know that the Seychelles people have this capacity to make it good (...)
96 Complementizer with verbs of knowing : Complementizer consists of ‘say’ plus some other marker
  • I mal, i konnen pourdir sa dizef pa pour son fanm, si femel i konnen sa dizef pa pour li! / The male, he knows that these eggs are not those of his mate, if it is the female, she knows (that) these eggs are not hers. / Le mâle, il sait que ces œufs ne sont pas ceux de sa femme, si c'est la femelle, elle sait que ce ne sont pas ses oeufs à elle. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 193)
  • Pa konnen pourdir i pe mor, i 'n mor. / One didn't know whether he was going to die, (but) he died. / On ne savait pas s'il allait mourir, mais il est mort. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 261)
96 Complementizer with verbs of knowing : Complementizer not synchronically related to ‘say’
  • Mon konnen ki papa i kot lakour. / I know that Daddy is at home
  • Mon konnen ki zot pe donn zot maksimonm. / I know that you give your maximum.
97 ‘Want’ complement subjects : The complement subject is left implicit For some speakers the following construction is grammatical:
Mon anvi pour mwan ale.
'I want to go.'
  • Mon anvi ale. / I want to go.
98 Complements of 'think' and 'want' : Only 'think' complement has a complementizer In more written-style texts, one also finds constructions with kwar 'believe' and the complementizer ki (< French que).
  • Mon kroir ou en pe fatige. / I think you are a little bit tired. / Je crois qu tu es un peu fatiguée aujourd'hui. (Michaelis 1993: 119)
  • Pa bezwen kwar pourdir en zwazo i ponn toulezour. / (You) shouldn't believe that a bird lays (an egg) every day. / Il ne faut pas croire qu'un oiseau pond tous les jours. (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 197)
  • Mari ti a oule son garson al kot lakour. / Mari would like her son to go home.
98 Complements of 'think' and 'want' : Identical complementizer
  • [...] me li i kwar ki in annan tro bokou promes ki pa ’n pran an konsiderasyon realite ozordi [...]. / [...] but he believes that there have been too many promises which have not taken today's reality into consideration [...].
  • Nou osi oule ki sak lenstitisyon ek endividi [...] i annan konfyans dan kapasite sa lafors [...]. / We also want every institution and individual to have confidence in the capacity of this power.
100 Negative morpheme types : Negative particle
  • Zak pa ti manze. / Jacques did not eat.
101 Position of standard negation : Before the verb
  • Zak pa ti manze. / Jacques did not eat.
102 Negation and indefinite pronouns : Co-occurrence with predicate negation
  • Mon pa ti vwar personn/naryen. / I did not see anybody/anything.
  • Personn pa ti vini. / Nobody came.
103 Polar questions : Only interrogative intonation In written texts, the use of the initial question particle eski is pervasive.
  • Pour ganny disik konmsa an gren, ou les li pli sek? / To get the sugar in grains, do you let it dry more? / Pour obtenir du sucre en grain, vous le laissez sécher davantage? (Bollée & Rosalie 1994: 97)
103 Polar questions : Initial question particle
  • Eski Thomas in manze? / Has Thomas eaten?
104 Focusing of the noun phrase : Cleft with focus particle after focus
  • Martin menm ki pe travay plis. / It is really Martin who is working most.
  • Mon papa sa ki ti fer sa lakaz. / It is really my father who constructed this/the house.
104 Focusing of the noun phrase : Bare cleft (without highlighter)
  • Bann zonm ki danse sa tinge. / It is/was only the men who danced the tinge (a kind of traditional dance).
104 Focusing of the noun phrase : Cleft with focus particle before focus
  • Se Pol (menm) ki 'n pran sa liv. / It is Paul (himself) who has taken the book.
  • Sa Pol ki 'n pran sa liv. / It is Paul who took the book.
105 Verb doubling and focus : No verb doubling
  • There is a construction in Seychelles Creole where the verb is doubled, but the result would be emphasis on the quantity, enormity of the action of the verb: Naze (ki) mon ti naze pour mwan ariv ater. 'I swam a long distance/a lot to reach the shore.'
106 Focus particle ‘also’ : After the focused element
  • Fou osi i ponn menm sezon? / Does the Fou (bird species) also breed in the same season?
  • Mon tou mon kontan voyaze. / I, too, like to travel.
107 Vocative markers : Optional vocative marker following noun The vocative marker is optional. It is used when >BR<(i) emphatically drawing/begging someone's attention: 'Listen, be attentive to me.'
(ii) trying to get in contact with a person who is not close by.
  • Marcel-o, donn mwan sa bolpenn. / Marcel, give me this ballpen.
108 Para-linguistic usages of clicks : Clicks can express only affective meanings There are several click sounds in Seychelles Creole, all expressing affective meanings:
(i) at least two clicks: referring to a disturbing situation
(ii) courting women
(iii) sucking (fri pwason),expressing annoyance
(iv) one click: meaning 'I got it'
111 'Tears' : Monomorphemic
  • larm / a tear/tears
  • delo/dilo / water OR: tear
  • Mon de delo i koule. / My tears drop.
112 'Hand' and 'arm' : Differentiation
  • lebra / lebra
  • lanmen / hand
113 'Finger' and 'toe' : Differentiation Pous means either 'thumb' (of the hand) or toe, e.g. gro pous 'big toe', pti pous 'small toe'.
  • ledwa / finger
  • pous lipye / toe
114 'Body hair' and 'feather' : Overlap Some speakers would use plim for both 'body hair' and 'feather', hence Value 1 would be relevant in this case.
  • pwal / body hair, pubic hair
  • swa / body hair (other than pubic hair)
  • plim / feather, body hair
115 'Hear' and 'smell' : Differentiation We find identity of 'hear' and 'smell' only in the fixed expression ekout sa loder 'smell this special smell' (p.c. Marcel Rosalie).
  • (an)tann, (e)koute / hear, listen
  • santi / smell
116 'Green' and 'blue' : Differentiation
  • ver / green
  • ble / blue
117 Female and male animals : Preposed sex-denoting word The word bourik refers to both sexes, but one can distinguish the two sexes by adding femel and mal.
For some frequent animals we get lexicalized expressions, e.g. mimi 'female cat', matou 'male cat', vas 'cow', toro 'bull'.
  • en femel bourik / a female donkey
  • en mal bourik / a male donkey
118 Syllable onsets : Onsets may be complex
  • abstre / abstract
  • strik / strict / stricte
  • pti gin / a little bit
  • pliferans / preference / préférence
  • vre / true
128 The palatal nasal ñ exists as a minor allophone
  • diny / dignified
130 The segment [h] / [h] exists as a minor allophone The allophone [h] of /s/ occurs in the natural speech continuum, but never in slow speech of citation forms (cf. Corne 1977: 8). [h] also exists in English loanwords, e.g. homwerk 'homework'.
  • sa later > [h]a later / this soil
131 p - voiceless bilabial plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • pake / parcel
132 b - voiced bilabial plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • bliye / to forget
133 t - voiceless dental/alveolar plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • zabitan / inhabitant, neighbour
134 d - voiced dental/alveolar plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • enterdi / forbidden
137 ts - voiceless dental/alveolar sibilant affricate : Exists only as a minor allophone
  • tinge / kind of dance
138 d?z - voiced dental/alveolar sibilant affricate : Exists only as a minor allophone
  • dir / to say
139 t?? - voiceless palato-alveolar sibilant affricate : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • aca / good
140 dj? - voiced palato-alveolar sibilant affricate : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • jao / go
147 k - voiceless velar plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
    kontan / happy
149 g - voiced velar plosive : Exists (as a major allophone)
  • gra / fat